President Trump’s New Fraud Division Just Opened A Seven-State Front — The Taxpayer-Theft Total Is Staggering

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Assistant Attorney General Colin McDonald, head of the Justice Department's National Fraud Enforcement Division

President Trump’s Justice Department just put a staggering number on the fraud eating away at taxpayer-funded programs across the South.

Roughly $350 million.

That is the total tied to a coordinated enforcement package spanning 17 matters in Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina and South Carolina.

The alleged schemes reach into food benefits, pandemic-era business loans, housing subsidies, Medicare and the tax system.

One crooked operator in one vulnerable program would be bad enough. These cases map how deeply fraud can spread when agencies hold pieces of the same puzzle but fail to put them together.

The White House rapid-response account put the headline in front of the country Thursday:

The Daily Caller reported that the Justice Department’s National Fraud Enforcement Division assembled the seven-state package with state and federal partners. The 17 matters collectively involve roughly $350 million in alleged fraud.

The largest figure identified in the report is tied to Louisiana: $174 million in allegedly fraudulent Medicare claims for medically unnecessary cancer and cardiovascular genetic testing.

North Carolina authorities are pursuing a separate case involving eight people accused of using false tax returns and COVID-era credits to generate nearly $25 million in losses.

In Mississippi, one highlighted scheme involved an attorney who also worked for the Small Business Administration. Prosecutors said the operation used kickbacks and co-conspirators to generate millions of dollars in fraudulent loan payments.

Florida’s piece of the package includes a former Tallahassee Housing Authority manager accused of using tenants’ personal information to obtain about half a million dollars in federal rent subsidies.

Another matter involves an alleged $70 million tax-fraud scheme.

Those figures do not describe convictions across the board. Charges and complaints are allegations, and every defendant is entitled to the presumption of innocence unless proven guilty.

But the scale is exactly why the new division matters.

The real breakthrough may be the machinery built around the cases, beyond the dollar total attached to them.

According to the report, the seven states agreed to share corporate-registration records and public-benefit payment data with the Justice Department. That gives federal analysts a better chance to spot the same names, companies, addresses and payment patterns appearing in more than one system.

Fraud thrives in the gaps between agencies.

A business can look ordinary in one database, collect benefits in another, obtain a government-backed loan through a third and quietly send money through a network that no single investigator can see.

Connecting those records can turn a suspicious payment into a pattern—and a pattern into a case.

The Justice Department also brought together 18 U.S. Attorney’s Offices, seven state attorneys general, five federal law-enforcement partners and more than 50 state officials for the Southeastern effort.

That is the kind of coordination Washington talks about constantly and rarely delivers.

White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt’s account amplified the announcement as well:

The Justice Department says President Trump announced the National Fraud Enforcement Division in January with a mandate to pursue fraud targeting federal programs, benefits, businesses, nonprofit organizations and private citizens. The division operates as a national litigating component rather than a temporary task force, giving it authority to build cases across judicial districts and follow schemes that cross state lines.

Assistant Attorney General Colin McDonald became the division’s first leader in April. Its mission combines prosecutors with data analysts, investigators and agencies that administer taxpayer-funded programs.

That structure is important because old-fashioned casework alone cannot keep pace with industrial-scale fraud.

When billions of dollars move through Medicare, disaster programs, tax credits, housing assistance and small-business loans, criminals can use shell companies and stolen identities faster than isolated offices can compare notes.

The division is also charged with recovering stolen money, coordinating nationwide enforcement priorities and helping agencies harden programs against the next scheme. That turns prosecutors and analysts into part of the same operation instead of leaving program administrators to discover losses after the money has vanished.

The official memorandum establishing the division made that problem explicit. It said the department had never adopted a truly comprehensive and coordinated approach to fraud against taxpayer dollars and taxpayer-funded programs. The order placed nationwide fraud enforcement inside one dedicated Justice Department division so investigators could set priorities, combine intelligence and move resources toward schemes causing the greatest losses.

The order called for a litigating division capable of pursuing schemes large and small, setting national priorities and proposing reforms to close the holes fraudsters exploit.

That is a major shift from chasing one defendant after the money is gone.

The goal is to detect the pattern sooner, freeze assets where the law allows, prosecute the people responsible and make the system harder to rob the next time.

The memorandum also directed the new division to work with state attorneys general and other enforcement partners, pursue civil and criminal remedies, and recommend legislative or regulatory changes when an exploited weakness cannot be fixed by prosecution alone. That wider mandate is what made a seven-state operation possible only months after the division opened.

The new division has already shown that it is not thinking small.

In May, an official Justice Department enforcement roundup detailed matters representing nearly $1 billion in alleged or proven fraud. Those cases included health-care billing, payroll-tax losses, business-relief fraud and stolen Treasury checks.

The May package stretched from a guilty plea in a $45 million Medicare scheme to charges involving fraudulent Employee Retention Credit claims, pandemic-relief money and hundreds of stolen U.S. Treasury checks. Prosecutors also announced civil enforcement and asset-recovery work, showing that the division is using more than one legal tool to claw money back and disrupt the networks behind it.

The seven-state operation is different because it pairs the case announcements with a regional data-sharing network.

That gives the effort a life beyond Thursday’s headlines.

If the agreements work as intended, investigators will not have to wait for a whistleblower or an accidental discovery to connect suspicious companies across state lines.

They can follow the data.

For honest taxpayers, this fight is not abstract.

Every dollar stolen from Medicare, housing assistance or disaster relief is a dollar taken from people who paid into the system or genuinely need the help. Every fake claim also makes it easier for Washington to demand more money from the public without first protecting what it already collects.

President Trump created the division to attack that cycle.

Now the Justice Department has put seven states, 17 matters and roughly $350 million on the board in one coordinated move.

The fraudsters may have learned to cross agency lines.

The government is finally learning to cross them too.

The post President Trump’s New Fraud Division Just Opened A Seven-State Front — The Taxpayer-Theft Total Is Staggering appeared first on 100PercentFedUp.com.

IN the summer of 2019, I was seated in the wine cellar of a walled Medieval town high above the Dordogne Valley of France, not far from Sarlat-la-Canéda, making phone calls, writing reports. I have given this story in other places and it appears as though you’re about to hear it again. Rob Skiba is a name you that you might be familiar with. Though he had made a name for himself as a Nephilim researcher, more recently Rob had taken a dive into the deep end of the pool via flat earth research. The recorded interviews I conducted between he and Rick Hummer, a fellow flat earth investigator and close friend of his, was published while still occupying that very wine cellar. Read all about it. Chicago Is Not a Mirage.

Word quickly spread. Within a few short weeks, dozens of flat earth researchers began accepting my invite for a private interview, if not a series of interviews. From a 17th-century tower built by King Louis XIV, and with a stunning view of the Alps, I sat down with Robbie Davidson, founder of the Flat Earth International Conferences, conducting multiple sessions. While staying in Dumfries, Scotland, David Weiss agreed to take part in the interviews, as did Bob Knodel of Globebusters. There were others. But when I asked the interviewees to discuss the moments that shaped their lives, among the many PSYOPs, false flag attacks, and hoaxes that were discussed, only these men committed commentary to the false 9/11 narrative.

The resulting recordings ballooned into The Unexpected Cosmology, a book which became a website and was even intended as an anthology. And of course, the following discourse was originally a chapter. It was Walt Disney who stated, “Disneyland will never be completed. It will continue to grow as long as there is imagination left in the world.” Those sentiments remain applicable here as well. American Sensationalism: The 9/11 Interviews was always intended to be expanded upon with the inclusion of new researchers. So I’m sorry to say the project became stagnant during the Covid-19 psychodrama. I took a break to tackle other projects. We lost Rob Skiba. Rob offered hours of private conversation regarding his life but we never got around to the big one. 9/11. It was in the cards. Sadly, Bob Knodel died soon afterwards. Voices are being squeezed from an entire generation. Gnosis passes with them.

In the aftermath, the FE community became fractured. People began going their separate ways. Robbie Davidson, among a noted few others who were interviewed for the project, got up and left the movement altogether. It is not my intent to erase his or the contributions of others if only brief. They came, they went, their testimonies remain.

The original vision may have hit roadblocks but it is not forgotten. I expanded this paper a few years later to include testimony from author Pauly Hart, a dear friend of mine. I had wanted to continue that trend every year thereafter but you know how it goes. For the 25th anniversary of the attack I have redirected my efforts to its first large scale expansion, including Andrew Hoy and Darrin Geisinger into the mix. Perhaps others will lend their experiences to the recorder in time.

The following is their report.

Read the 9/11 Interviews

Watch the Interviews